Children Of War

A literature review of anthropological research in Northern Ireland

This paper serves as a literature review of Northern Ireland and its anthropological research, of which there are three main bodies of focus. Conflict between Protestants and Catholics still rages to this day in Northern Ireland. Both sides are divided by religious and political beliefs. This paper will analyse the literature related to violence in Northern Ireland and then move on to mental heath in a post conflict society and finish with the politics of religion. The literature produced by Northern Ireland mainly concerns violence, this is due to the troubles being so devastating to those growing up between the 60’s and 90’s.

Violence is central to Northern Ireland but more specifically, the victims of violence, how violence has impacted Northern Irelands culture and how the Good Friday agreement influenced violence. The texts often reference the Good Friday agreement and its role in ending violence as the two are so interrelated.

Secondly mental health of Northern Irish society is also discussed in literature which encompasses the mental disorders and suicide rates in Northern Ireland, on top of this, mental heath is used to assess the areas of civil unrest in Northern Irish society. The reason for the poor mental health of Northern Ireland is likely due to the troubles causing so many to develop PTSD, depression, and anxiety disorders etc.

Finally politics of religion includes the reform of an ethnically divided society and the role that religion plays in politics and how politics has been used to divide Catholic and Protestant communities and the symptoms of this, such as demonstrations and rioting.

Brendan O’Leary describes the victims of violence in detail, recounting the deaths of many, showing that Protestant civilians outnumber Catholic civilians 3 to 2, resulting in a greater number of Catholic deaths(902) as they were the minority (Brendan,34). They are separated into two terrorist organisations, the Ulster Defence Association, and the Irish Republican Army. This highlights the divide between the opposing sides. This can be connected to how violence has impacted the Northern Irish society as Goeke-Morey studied the impact of political violence on children. They found that children were aware of at least one sectarian antisocial act occurring weekly (Goeke-Morey,8), this lead to a cycle of violence due to each side whishing for revenge on the other, planting the seed of hatred deep within the minds of the young.

This was also explored by other anthropological studies through interviews, recounting pain, trauma, survival, and resistance. People had been dehumanised by the troubles and this literature gave voice to the victims. Hackett and Rolston claim that the concept of victim hood can cause obstacles as “victims seeking compensation are less threatening than…victims demanding justice” (Hackett and Rolston, 357).

The topic of disabled police officers also arises as those injured in the troubles are also victims of violence. This led to foundation of the disabled police officer’s association. “We believe that storytelling and not a truth commission is a way for all victims to have their say, carried out without fear of recrimination or retribution” (Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, House of Commons,118).This argues that victims coming forward and describing their situations was more effective than actively perusing answers and seeking justice.

The good Friday agreement is directly related to the anthropological literature about violence as it is mutually exclusive in most cases. This is because the good Friday agreement brough an official end to the bloodshed as written by Stefan Wolff, who wrote that “both sides held their cease fires” (Wolff, 20) however, there was still tension between both sides as riots were still common place.

There are two sides to the Good Friday agreement as Paul Dixon writes, there are two groups. Segregationists who support the Good Friday agreement, believe conflict is best handled through segregation of the unionist and republican people, where as integrationists believe that the power sharing of the good Friday agreement will lead to integration and then peace between loyalist and republicans (Dixon,1).

Other journals recount the significance of the Good Friday agreement, as Tannam writes, “that despite the potential pitfall in forging a lasting peace in Northern Ireland, progress will continue to be made because Anglo Irish policy making is rational” this literature shows that although the Good Friday agreement was successful at initially preventing violence, there was still more work to be done and according to Tannam this will evolve over time.

Reviewing this controversial field of literature has shown how divided the Northern Irish society truly is, even to this day. The terrorist organisations have been abiding by the cease fires for the most part, however, they have turned to drug smuggling in order to fund themselves, as written by Richard Evans as he “focuses on the emerging patterns of criminal activity in the province of Northern Ireland and the financing of terrorist activities through the support of organized crime.”

On a related note, the popularity of literature on mental health of the northern Irish people is widespread and this is mainly due to the influence that violence has had on mental health. This is due to the profound effect that 30 years of bombings and killings has had on the mental health general population of Northern Ireland. The adverse Mental health of the Northern Irish people is simply a symptom of a post conflict society as studies have shown that mental health issues are higher in Northern Ireland than in anywhere else in the UK with 21% stating that the troubles had a large impact on their mental health after questionnaires were filled in by over 1000 respondents (O’Reilly,1). Robert Enright writes that the mental health of children needs improvement as a study shows that children in impoverished environments suffered from a higher rate of anger issues and studies showed these numbers improved when the children received proper psychological aid, teaching teachers how to lead forgiveness interventions. This is a very effective way at stopping violence by treating mental health effectively.

This helps prevent hatred from brewing, diluting it with each generation. Patricia Carlisle states in her literature that religion is often involved in social work when treating mental health issues also stating that “over the past twenty years, interest in religion and spirituality withing social work practice has grown internationally.” She also highlights that the UK has been wary to engage with ‘spirituality’ when it comes to treating mental health issues (Carslisle,587). Jim Campbell builds on social work and mental health after concluding his findings in Northern Ireland by stating that employment agencies should pay greater attention to past and present effects of the troubles on social work and aid support staff in neglected areas(Campbell,4).

On top of this, multiple semi structured interviews of suicide victims’ families were conducted to assess the number of suicides in Northern Ireland. They found that 90% of suicides were related to a mental disorder in Northern Ireland (Foster, 447). It would be reasonable to assume that violence has influenced mental health and so the two topics are intertwined in Northern Irish literature. On a related note, anthropological interviews and studies have been conducted on students in Northern Ireland in relation to mental health. McLafferty writes that 19.1% of students experience three or more disorders. While only 10% of students with mental health issues received treatment for mental issues. This shows the poor conditions of mental health in Northern Ireland even to this day, 22 years after the troubles officially ended (McLafferty,1).

Moving on to the final topic of discussion, politics of religion and demonstration. Dominic Bryan writes in his anthropological study that “clashes between rival ethnoreligious political groups, catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists, were common through the 19 and 20th centuries” (Bryan, 2). This gives context to the demonstrations now held each year in Northern Ireland. These ritualistic marches are a strong political tool used mainly by protestants to unite one another against the opposing side. The marches celebrate the Glorious revolution of 1688 when Protestant King William of Orange overthrew Catholic King James.

This began the protestant descent in Northern Ireland. This event has been used as a political tool to unite protestants as previously stated (McAuley,19). During these times fieldwork (especially participant observation) was very dangerous to conduct as Jeffrey A. Sluka concludes by stating “at least 60 anthropologists have died of fieldwork mishaps in the past decade and at least three have been killed on the job as a result of political violence” This was after his anthropological study of Northern Ireland and shows how religious movements can be heavily influenced by political ideals, especially in Northern Ireland. Many seek reform in this ethnically divided society as for instance, the police force in Northern Ireland has whiteness major reform over the years in order to maintain an equal split between Catholic and Protestant policemen and women.

This is to ensure that when policemen are fighting riots, there is an equal likely hood Protestant or a Catholic will be injured making distribution of violence as equal as possible. This also shows that there is no ‘favouritism’ towards either side. However, the rioting in Northern Ireland is still frequent, the most recent occurring on the 23rd of April 2019. Many take pride in the demonstrations and they are regarded as part of Northern Irish culture by locals. Desmond Bell writes that since the troubles began, teenagers have developed their ethnic identity of being Ulster Protestants or Irish Catholics, in the midst of political crisis leading to segregation (Bell,1) he writes further that the initial anthropological fieldwork suggested that the Loyalist marching bands had become the major mobilizing agency for Protestant youth (88).

Laura McAtackney builds upon this stating that the “marches are perceived as being particularly threatening and hard-line by the other”(20) In many cases this is a way for the communities to express identity and to intimidate the opposing side. The majority of marches are Loyalist, and this brings up the debate to claims for the right to march versus the right not to have to endure a demonstration. On a related note, many votes are based on their religious beliefs regarding Northern Ireland. There are two main parties, DUP (Democrat and Sinn Féin(republican). Northern Ireland represents a consociational case and other writers argue that voting is influenced by religious background which is the foundation of political beliefs for many in Northern Ireland (Garry,8). Voting can also be influenced by the fact that schools are divided by religion in many cases, shaping the ideals of the youth.

To conclude this paper, there are three main topics of literature surrounding Northern Ireland, however, they are all very closely related and can be hard to separate one from the other. Violence has played a large part in shaping Northern Irish society into what it has become today and has impacted many lives for the worse. Almost every piece of literature involves violence around the troubles as it has deep roots in Northern Irish society as everyone has/knows someone who has been impacted by the violence of the troubles. This leads perfectly into the next topic, shifting from the acts of violence to the impacts on mental health because of violence. Northern Ireland has the worst mental health statistics in comparison to the rest of the UK and studies have concluded that the violence from the troubles were responsible. These effects are still visible today even in the youth of Northern Ireland. The stigma around mental health is slowly being dissolved as data from studies is being used to improve communities and begin a greater conversation. Finally, the politics of religion and demonstration. This is a very sensitive topic as many beliefs conflict, ending in violence, one more relating back to the two other main topics within Northern Irish literature. Religion clearly plays a pivotal role in politics and political ideals were used to divide catholic and protestant communities. To conclude, the main literature to be produced in Northern Ireland is related to the troubles as Northern Ireland is a recovering post conflict society and is still bearing the scars of the past. Even today, bullet holes and shrapnel markings can be seen in concrete structures around Belfast, a sickening memory of the past.

Works Cited

Bell, Desmond. Acts of Union: Youth Culture and Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (Youth Questions). Macmillan, 1990.* Bryan, Dominic. “The Anthropology of Ritual: Monitoring and Stewarding Demonstrations in Northern Ireland.” Anthropology in Action, vol. 13, no. 1, 2006. Crossref, doi:10.3167/aia.2006.131205.

Carlisle, Patricia. “Religion and Spirituality as Troublesome Knowledge: The Views and Experiences of Mental Health Social Workers in Northern Ireland.” British Journal of Social Work, vol. 46, no. 3, 2015, pp. 583–98. Crossref, doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcv068. Dixon, Paul. “Why the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland Is Not Consociational.” The Political Quarterly, vol. 76, no. 3, 2005, pp. 357–67. Crossref, doi:10.1111/j.1467-923x.2005.00694.x.

Evans, Richard. “Organised Crime and Terrorist Financing in Northern Ireland.” Jane’s Intelligence Review Volume:14, edited by Christopher Aaron, vol. 14, 2002, pp. 26–29, doi:10.1111/j.1467-923x.2005.00694.x.

F Jim, and Patrick Mccrystal. “Mental Health Social Work and the Troubles in Northern Ireland.” Journal of Social Work, vol. 5, no. 2, 2005, pp. 173–90. Crossref, doi:10.1177/1468017305054971.

Foster, Tom, et al. “Mental Disorders and Suicide in Northern Ireland.” British Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 170, no. 5, 1997, pp. 447–52. Crossref, doi:10.1192/bjp.170.5.447.

Garry, John. Consociation and Voting in Northern Ireland: Party Competition and Electoral Behavior (National and Ethnic Conflict in the 21st Century). University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016.

Goeke-Morey, Marcie C., et al. “The Differential Impact on Children of Inter- and Intra-Community Violence in Northern Ireland.” Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, vol. 15, no. 4, 2009, pp. 367–83. Crossref, doi:10.1080/10781910903088932.

Hackett, Claire, and Bill Rolston. “The Burden of Memory: Victims, Storytelling and Resistance in Northern Ireland.” Memory Studies, vol. 2, no. 3, 2009, pp. 355–76. Crossref, doi:10.1177/1750698008337560.

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McAtackney, Laura. “Memorials and Marching: Archaeological Insights into Segregation in Contemporary Northern Ireland.” Historical Archaeology, vol. 49, no. 3, 2015, pp. 110–25. Crossref, doi:10.1007/bf03376975.

McAuley, James W., and Jonathan Tonge. “‘For God and for the Crown’: Contemporary Political and Social Attitudes among Orange Order Members in Northern Ireland.” Political Psychology, vol. 28, no. 1, 2007, pp. 33–52. Crossref, doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00550.x.

McLafferty, Margaret, et al. “Mental Health, Behavioural Problems and Treatment Seeking among Students Commencing University in Northern Ireland.” PLOS ONE, edited by Daimei Sasayama, vol. 12, no. 12, 2017, p. e0188785. Crossref, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0188785.

Neuheiser, Jörg, and Stefan Wolff. Peace At Last?: The Impact of the Good Friday Agreement on Northern Ireland (Ethnopolitics, 2). 1st ed., Berghahn Books, 2004.

O’Reilly, D. “Mental Health in Northern Ireland: Have ‘the Troubles’ Made It Worse?” Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, vol. 57, no. 7, 2003, pp. 488–92. Crossref, doi:10.1136/jech.57.7.488.

O’Leary, Brendan, and John MacGarry. The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland. Athlone Press, 1993.

Robert D. Enright “Waging Peace through Forgiveness in Belfast, Northern Ireland II: Educational Programs for Mental Health Improvement of Children.”, 2007, internationalforgiveness.com/files/Belfast-Northern-Ireland-II.pdf.

Tannam, Etain. “Explaining the Good Friday Agreement: A Learning Process.” Government and Opposition, vol. 36, no. 4, 2001, pp. 493–518. Crossref, doi:10.1111/1477-7053.00078.